By Katelyn Lusher On Sunday, June 7th, approximately 4,000 Cincinnati residents gathered to protest the murder of George Floyd by Officer Derek Chauvin in Minneapolis. It was the 10th consecutive day of protests in Cincinnati and more Black Lives Matter protests are planned for the future. Cities around the world have joined in peaceful protest against police brutality, racism, and lack of accountability in law enforcement, including London, Paris, and Brussels. Although Black Lives Matter has existed as an organization since 2012, this may be the most widespread support the movement has gathered since its inception and many people who are not typically seen at BLM protests have been showing up to lend their support. At Sunday’s protest, adults were not the only protesters. Children and teens have been spotted at many protests around the country but are sometimes seen as controversial participants because they are minors and police have not spared children from tear gas and pepper spray attacks. However, some parents feel differently. Katie Grant, a mother who came to the protest with her two daughters in Girl Scouts vests, stated that she feels it’s important for her kids to be present. “I just think there are lots of reasons why kids should be here,” Grant said. “Justice matters and we want to show our example because it’s part of history. I want my kids to be able to look back on this and say, ‘I was part of that’ because I think that in all the movements of the past there’s been a sense of pride for young people to say ‘my parents took me there.’ I just think this matters. It matters powerfully and I’ve always tried to teach my children to be anti- racist and I think this is part of that lesson.” Another attendee, Marilyn Brown, came to the protest with her husband and expressed similar feelings about the importance of the Black Lives Matter protests. “I personally feel that this is a movement and not a moment,” Cooper said. “I felt like I can’t sit at home on my couch while something this huge is taking place. I’ve really felt a need to come down here and physically be a part. This is history making and I felt I needed to be a part of it because the changes will ultimately affect me. This is huge and we really appreciate the Caucasian support.” Brown’s belief that “this is a movement and not a moment” appears to resonate with many people across the country who have lent their support to Black Lives Matter by marching, donating, signing petitions, and toppling Confederate statues across the country. At the time of this writing, protests have occurred in all 50 states in hundreds of cities. Despite these positive changes, there is still much work to be done in order to achieve real change. During the protest, many protesters held signs demanding the defunding of the police and chanted “Defund! Demilitarize!” in response to the large budgets allocated for police departments at the expense of other departments like public services. One protester, Mason Urban, held a sign that said “Defund the Police” on one side and “Invest in the Community” on the other, with the words “in” and “unity” highlighted. When I asked him about his sign, he stated, “The Cincinnati 2021 budget is coming out I think after July and it’s still atrociously skewed in terms of funding the police. They’re getting $150 million of the $400 million general fund that’s going into the city, which is way too much. It’s complete nonsense when public services aren’t even getting a tenth of that. This is something that is seriously wrong and something that should be addressed.” Urban’s statements accurately reflect the approved 2020-2021 budget, which shows that the police budget currently sits at almost $153 million while the Public Services budget sits at $14.8 million and has seen a steady decrease in funding since 2018. The police department, meanwhile, saw a $5 million increase in funding between 2019 and 2020. Other departments like the Department of Economic Inclusion have a budget of less than a million dollars. All of this information is publicly available on the City of Cincinnati website. The protests happening around the country are not just about George Floyd’s murder and police brutality. They are also about calling out silence and complacence in response to racial injustice. They are about calling out the divestment from our communities in favor of increasingly militarized police forces across the country. Divestment from our communities is exactly the reason why activists have to fight so hard for affordable housing and against gentrification in Cincinnati and across the country. It is the reason why the Affordable Housing Trust Fund is so essential. If this is truly to be a movement rather than a moment, people need to consistently fight for change for as long as it takes. Photography By Kelcey Mucker

By Amanda Lynn Barker A patient is admitted to the ICU with COVID-19. They have access to high- end private insurance, and so they receive all the necessary time, space, attention, and resources that will allow them to fully recover. However, they need ventilator support to make it through. The nurse reviews the processes with them and explains how their lungs are weakened and inflamed from the disease. The patient wheezes in reply, desperately trying to speak. The nurse listens intently, and between the gasps, the nurse hears the patient state that their eyes are good, that they can see quite well. Confused, the nurse flips through the chart. Had something gone wrong with their eyes? “My eyes are important too!” the patient insists. ‘It’s not your eyes that brought you to the hospital,” the nurse explained. “Your lungs are what’s in danger.” On Wednesday, June encountered a swarm of cops during a mid-afternoon stroll in Burnet Woods. My first thought was oh no someone broke a leg on the trail! That thought was immediately replaced with, “oh no someone was shot on the trail?” But the cops didn’t demonstrate any sense of urgency, and all fifty or so loitered casually beside their vehicles parked in the circle at the bandstand. I felt surrounded, and since they weren’t aware of how they had parked, an SUV cruiser blocked the trail I wanted. I couldn’t tell why they had gathered in that space. Was I walking into a crime scene, or a company picnic? Was the trail I wanted that they had blocked now closed? Was I about to encounter a confrontation I would rather avoid? I preferred to stay on my course and cross the crowd without incident, and continue my stroll along the trail. For this, I would need to safely cross the swarm without getting arrested or killed. With each step I took toward the swarm, I was acutely conscious of every manifestation of my white privilege. First, I had accidentally neglected to bring my identification with me on the walk. Here I was, on a random midday walkabout, cutting across a swarm of cops, with little concern that my intentions or my presence would be called into question. The identification laws in Ohio say that a cop can only ask someone to prove who they are if the cop “reasonably” suspects the person has broken, or is about to break, a law. The thing about white privilege is that white people are far less likely than brown or black people to be reasonably suspected of breaking the law. If a cop demands to see ID, and the person exercises their legal rights and asks what law they supposedly broke or are about to break, the cop is supposed to release that information. However, it is much safer for a white person than for a brown or black person to ask that question without the situation escalating into a violent or even fatal incident. And remember, the cops can give any answer they want, and the burden of proof is on the individual to determine their innocence. Second, I knew I could address the cops without them being on edge at me. Cops are taught to profile. Here I was, a thirty-something year old hippie- looking white woman on a midday walkabout; yea they had seen me, but they weren’t watching me. I wasn’t what they were looking for. When the blocked trailhead was still a respectful 35 feet ahead of me, I stopped, kinda waved to get their attention, and said, “hey can I walk through to that trail?” The one who responded gave me a look like, well of course... and then said, “sure,” and shrugged. I felt reasonably confident that as I got closer and they saw my face, I wouldn’t be mistaken for someone else, maybe someone who they thought they had seen committing a crime the other day in another part of the city. Since I am white, I am assumed to be a fully legitimate and law-abiding citizen. Several years ago, I attended a workshop on how to interact with the cops during a demonstration that may or may not include acts of civil disobedience. The organizer was David Cobb, the 2004 presidential candidate for the Green Party and the co-founder of the Move to Amend organization to end corporate personhood. At the training, he advised us to approach the cops like we would approach wild animals. Don’t look them in the eyes, always be aware of our physical proximity to them, and for goodness sakes, don’t engage with them! “You wouldn’t try to convince a hungry hyena about your point of view, so don’t try to convert the cops,” he would say. This lesson has stuck with me, and I see many similarities between cops and wild animals. Wild animals, cops are unpredictable, volatile, and potentially dangerous; but cops are more dangerous toward some people more than others. I had to cross between the swarm, and the backside of one of their cruisers to get to the trailhead. I walked a wide circle, keeping as much distance between myself and the swarm to my right, but I also didn’t want to get too close to their cruiser. One of the cops noticed my discomfort, and he stepped further away from me, I guess to help me feel more comfortable walking past the swarm. I thought to myself, what if I were black or brown and the cop noticed that I felt uncomfortable? Would they assume I had committed a crime and that’s why I was uncomfortable, at which point they would demand to see an ID that I didn’t have with me? Then they would be able to decide how much of an issue they would want to make about my lack of ID. I would have very little, if any, control over the situation. Once an interaction between a cop and a black or brown person starts going bad, it’s a rabbit hole of trouble. Another thing about white privilege is that it is easy for white people to stay out of jail. White people have more control over our environment; we have more choices. That’s why it’s called white privilege. White people have more allowance to simply live and exist in a social space. It’s an absurdity to claim that all lives matter in a response to the statement that black lives matter. Black lives are surrounded by dangerous choices that lead to violent interactions with cops. Nobody goes to the doctor for a lung problem, and then insists on treatment for their eyesight as well. White people need to recognize the problem of systemic racism, and affirm and demand that black and brown lives matter. I want everyone to have the same opportunity to peacefully enjoy a midday walkabout as myself.

By Bill Woods Just as the country was beginning to emerge from phase one of the COVID-19 Pandemic, the murder of George Floyd by the Minneapolis Police triggered the largest urban protests and unrest since the protests and rebellion of 1967 and 68. As the protests continue, it is far too early to write any in depth analyses about them or their impacts on American life. At best, some commentary can be made about their connections to past history and events. So many of the protests and the urban unrest of our recent past were set in motion by local police actions that led to the deaths of African American men. Tragic and unnecessary as these deaths were, there often existed sufficient ambiguity about the events to allow the police to avoid legal indictments for their actions. In the case of George Floyd, no evidence of potential danger to the police or flight from law can be raised. On tape for all to see is a man, who already has his hands handcuffed behind his back, lying on the ground with a policeman with his knee on his neck. This procedure continued for over eight minutes with witnesses declaring that Mr. Floyd pleaded that he could not breathe. The stark horror of this event must be cited as a major catalyst for producing this national response with protests taking place in cities across the country. Prior to current events, Cincinnati experienced riots and protests like so many U.S. cities in the late 1960s. In the summer of 1967, violent police actions against young Black men triggered days of protests and inner-city looting. Martin Luther King's assassination less than a year later set off further unrest in the city's African American neighborhoods. At that time, a Republican majority on City Council took a tough, unsympathetic position against these events, and no tangible police reforms emerged from these protests. One positive result came from the religious community. Religious leaders joined together to form the Metropolitan Area Religious Coalition of Cincinnati (MARCC) in order to grapple with racism and social and economic inequities. The urban unrest of 1967-68 came after the Civil Rights movement of the early sixties brought about an end of the legal segregation that had existed for decades. Years of well-organized peaceful protests had been met by stiff and often violent opposition. In the end, however, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 must be viewed as major victories in the struggle for racial equality in this country. As some historians of this period have written, the urban protests and riots of the late sixties that took place in the Midwest, east, and west were often spur of the moment, unorganized reactions by African American residents who lived with the social and economic inequities that existed in these non- Southern environments. These protesters also wanted to experience some of the success of the Civil Rights movement. In the fifty-plus years since those protests and riots, individual cities have continued to be places where violent actions by the police toward African Americans occur on an all too regular basis. These incidents sometimes sparked protests and urban unrest. Los Angeles in 1992, Cincinnati in 2001, and Ferguson, Missouri in 2015 are several examples that come immediately to mind. The event that triggered the protests and unrest in Cincinnati in 2001, was the shooting death of Timothy Thomas, a young African American, by a police officer in Over-the-Rhine. Thomas was running away from the officer when he was killed, and he had done no crime and posed no threat to justify the shooting. Besides the immediate protests and unrest, Thomas' death prompted a lot of soul searching and reform efforts by government officials, religious and civic organizations, local foundations, and the community at-large. The most positive reform that emerged from these community deliberations was the Collaborative Agreement, a document incorporating a number of "best practices" for the Cincinnati Police including an emphasis on community policing. This agreement was tied to the Federal Court Settlement of a case brought against the City of Cincinnati, and it was overseen for a number of years to ensure local compliance by a Court appointed monitor. Although a lot of the Agreement's reforms still guide City Police practices, some important aspects such as community policing have been sidelined. One of the outcomes of the current protests could be a renewal of the Collaborative Agreement. Meanwhile, a week of protests have taken place in Cincinnati in response to the murder of George Floyd. A curfew was imposed by the City after some looting and destruction occurred downtown, and approximately three-hundred people have been arrested during this period. A number of groups have been involved in the peaceful protests, and young adults, both African-American and white, have comprised a large percentage of those involved. On June 4th, the Cincinnati Black United Front and the Ohio Justice and Policy Center put forward a series of reforms that would apply to the Cincinnati Police and the Hamilton County Court System and Sheriff 's Department. Besides calling for fair treatment of all citizens, and the elimination of racial disparity in the criminal-legal system, the list includes some very specific actions. When anyone is charged with a crime, the goal should be "to cite and release rather than to arrest." In response to some inequitable arrests for violations of Pandemic public health regulations, one recommendation calls for the County and City to drop all charges. It says: "Address the Pandemic as an issue of public health, not of criminality." Another recommendation calls for the revival of the Citizen Complaint Authority and the City Manager's Advisory Group. Also listed is a call to review current "use of force policies" and the training of police officers. As previously stated, it is too early to assess the impacts of the protests in Cincinnati and in other cities across the country. A vision of hope was voiced by Former President Barack Obama when he took part in a recent dialogue on the current situation. He declared that what made him optimistic about the potential for positive change was the involvement of so many white and African American young people in the protests. He talked about a new generation who did not accept racism, and who were both idealistic and pragmatic in their approach to change. It was refreshing to hear such words.

Dear Mike, McDuff Marco Robinson. Maurice Brown. Tasjon Tyreek Osbourne. Isaiah Robinson. Elijah Collins lll. Alex Johnson. Matthew Burroughs. Julius Ervin Tate Jr. Eric Jamar Lupain Stromer. James Clay. Montae D. Shackleford. Lamar Richardson. Abadi Gebregziber. Thomas Yatsko. Amanual Dagebo. Ledarren Mixon. Antonio Levison. Jamarco McShann. Nathaniel Richmond. Kesharn K. Burney. Edward Earl Taylor. Kareem Ali Nadir Jones. Dana D. Dubose. Christopher Wade. Luke O. Stewart. Christopher Carter. Shelly Porter lll. Abdul Razak Ali Artan. Jacquarius Robinson. Philip Hasan. Tyre King. Kelley Brandon Forte. Jawari Porter. Kawme Patrick. Henry Green. Kisha Arrone. Paul Gaston. Mohamed Barry. Marese Vince Collins. Derek Stokes. Carlumandarlo Zaramo. Deaunte Lamar Bell. Kaleb Alexander. James Carney lll. Reginald Marshall. Dontae Martin. Samuel Dubose. Trepierre Hummons. QuanDavier Hicks. Brandon Jones. Theodore Johnson. Terrance Moxley. Jermonte Fletcher. Hashim Hanif Ibn Abdul- Rasheed. Tamir E. Rice. Tanisha N. Anderson. Raphael Thomas. Ronnie D. McNary. Elisha Paul Glass. Qusean Whitten. Kendrick Brown. Daniel Row. John H. Crawford lll. Tyshawn Hancock. Terry Heath. Joseph Givens. Gregory Sanders. Kenneth R. Herring. Jonathan D. Rodgers. Danny Thorton. Jason D. White. Taemarr Walker. William Taylor. Reginald Williams Jr. Al Pickett. Thomas Bean. Kourtney Hahn. Emmanuel Gatewood. Jermaine C. Coleman Jr. Kevin M. Bailey. All of these black men, women, and children in Ohio have lost their lives due to police brutality from 2013-2019. 37% of people killed by police in Ohio are black men, women, and children, yet only 12.20% of our population is black. When a group of people are disproportionately losing their lives and they only consist of less than 13% of the population, larger forces are at work. This country was built on racism and genocide, masking white supremacy as “nationalism.” It is our civic duty as U.S. citizens to acknowledge these forces and stand up and fight back against them, especially White citizens who have been complicit bystanders and active participants in this system that bleeds into every facet of our nation. As a white cis male who holds a position of power, such as governor, it is your duty to take action and demand justice and reform to protect ALL of the citizens that occupy this state. It is not enough for you to tweet, “I want to make sure that, as Governor of #Ohio, I say to every African American man, woman, and child - you are valued and an essential part of this community.” Words do not show that you value black men, women, and children in our community. Actions do. What actions are you going to take to protect black lives and show that you value them? Are you going to continue to tweet words with no action behind them, such as, “Peaceful protest and the exercise of our First Amendment rights are an important part of our civic rights - but when protests turn violent, lives are put at stake,” or are you going to put forth new bills and reform in our legislation and police departments to prevent further violence toward black men, women, and children? Saying that exercising “our First Amendment rights are an important part of our civic rights, but that when protests turn violent, lives are put at stake” is completely missing the original cause of the fire. Black lives have been at stake since the dawn of this country’s origin. Black lives are at stake every day, even before they step outside of their homes because police officers have killed black men, women, and children in the “safety” of their own homes. You might want to ask yourself, “Why are protests turning violent when, for long periods of time, they are peaceful? Is it because people feel threatened by police officers who show up to peaceful protests in ‘riot gear’? Is it because the very presence of police officers triggers a flight or fight response in people, specifically black men, women, and children, due to the extensive trauma police officers have caused? Is it because they are using escalation tactics, such as firing pepper balls, using tear gas, and even shooting and killing people who came to peacefully protest their first amendment rights?” George Floyd’s horrific death is an echo of the past. An echo of all of the black men, women, and children our state has lost. An echo of all of the black men, women, and children our country has lost. We must take action now, instead of saying words without substance. Here are a few things you can do: 1. Create regulations that prevent police officers from using chokeholds or strangleholds 2. Create regulations that require all forms of intervention be utilized before shooting 3. Create regulations that require all use of force be reported and require that use of force be authorized by supervisors before being carried out 4. Create regulations that require other officers to intervene if use of excessive force is used 5. Create use of force continuums 6. Restrict shooting at moving vehicles 7. Restrict using force of any kind on people not carrying weapons and acting non-violently 8. Require warnings before using force or shooting 9. Extend police academy training to be more extensive, thorough, and require that ALL police departments include extensive education for racial biases and the history of police brutality on black and brown lives and measure the success rates of these programs; make changes and adjustments to increase success rates. Continue these programs throughout police officers' careers and make it a yearly requirement. Education on these important issues should never be once. (Why is police academy training 6 months long when it means carrying a deadly weapon, but cosmetology school is a little over a year and it means carrying scissors to cut a person’s hair?) 10. Make it harder to become a police officer—Extensively screen and interview police officers more than they are currently assessed, focusing on important issues, such as racism, sexism, homophobia, and xenophobia. When officers are carrying deadly weapons and deadly belief systems around, those who are marginalized are most at risk. 11. Create de-escalation programs for ALL police departments to demonstrate and educate how to deescalate situations in non-violent ways (this does not include firing pepper balls, using tear gas, pushing, or shooting people; these are violent acts)—teach them this should always be the first step of action. If de-escalation protocols are not followed, officers should be demoted and stripped of rights to serve as a police officer. 12. Create laws that do not allow police officers to get lesser sentencing and charges than civilians for brute force and retaliation—they are not above the law. 13. When a police officer of a department uses excessive force and/or kills a civilian, the police department’s education, academy, environment, and hiring process should be thoroughly investigated and changes should be made to address the major gaps that were missed in the department to prevent the excessive use of force being used and the department should be continuously evaluated to ensure changes have been made. You have ample amounts of action you can take. Now, start acting and stop tweeting. Prove that you value these black men, women, and children. Stand up and fight back. Sincerely and urgently, Charlie Tackett

By Bill Woods How have people experiencing homelessness fared during the COVID-19 Pandemic? After a hiatus the Community Issues Forum returned on May 21st with a live streaming presentation by Josh Spring. While most of us stayed home during this health crisis, the Executive Director of the Greater Cincinnati Homeless Coalition described how families and individuals without homes have coped with this situation. The Homeless Coalition, explained Spring, with its sixty member organizations involved in sheltering and providing services to those experiencing homelessness, has taken the leadership in addressing the special problems confronting its client base during the Pandemic. As the state of Ohio established guidelines to stop the spread of the Coronavirus in March, it became apparent that existing shelters for homeless individuals and families were not equipped as physical spaces to provide the social distancing requirements. It was critical to find appropriate alternatives. An initial requirement was the establishment of a "quarantine zone" homelessness could go who tested positive for the virus. The Coalition asked the City to take this action, and the Over-the-Rhine Recreation Center was selected as the building to serve as the quarantine zone. Having such a facility, not only allowed the isolation of people who tested positive, but It opened up space in the shelters for proper social distancing. The biggest step taken by the Coalition, declared Spring, was initiating the transfer of families experiencing homelessness from the shelters to hotels in this area. With the cooperation and support of the United Way and the Greater Cincinnati Foundation, this transfer was accomplished. Although families were the initial priority for hotel placements, a number of single individuals have also received these accommodations. Spring noted that at least four hundred people are now being housed in this way. This innovative emergency initiative is not cheap. Spring estimates the cost for this housing is $800,000 a month. Fortunately, the County quickly allocated a large portion of its emergency federal aid to this priority, and funds were also provided by GCF and the United Way. Meanwhile, the Department of Housing and Urban Development has been very slow in allocating the emergency shelter assistance that was included in the Cares' Act passed by Congress. These funds are badly needed to pay for the ongoing emergency accommodations and services for people experiencing homelessness during this period, and Spring advised that calls or letters to our Senators and Congressmen and HUD itself would be helpful. He also noted that City officials require a nudge from citizens to urge that they have a plan ready to implement once the Cares' Act funds arrive. In the terms of the legislation, emphasized Spring, most of these federal dollars should pass quickly from the City to the shelters and homeless services. Beyond the planning and administration that went into putting in place the emergency housing for people experiencing homelessness, a number of other services needed during this Pandemic also required daily coordination by members of the Coalition. Spring praised the valiant work and daily cooperation of the sixty-member organizations, and said their efforts to date had succeeded in preventing an outbreak of COVID-19 cases within the homeless population under their care. The next phase of the Coalition's work in terms of COVID-19 is to plan ahead in order to be prepared for a second phase of the virus. Having sufficient testing in place is certainly one priority. As the Coalition's planning group kicks off its work, noted Spring, one idea that has surfaced is utilizing federal grant money to actually purchase a hotel. One critical problem that is already demanding attention in the last two months, he further described, is a growing number of people experiencing homelessness who are now living outdoors or on the street. The sudden loss of jobs and an economy with families and individuals living with few resources will also cause increased poverty and homelessness. Homelessness, with or without a Pandemic, declared Spring, is unacceptable. One long term solution, the creation of more affordable housing, is critical, but the Pandemic has slowed down a major initiative of the Coalition to do just that. The City Charter Amendment proposal to properly fund the Affordable Housing Trust fund will not be on this November's ballot. Spring explained that the backers of the proposal realized that collecting the needed signatures to qualify it for a vote was not a realistic goal during this public health crisis. He emphasized, however, that the campaign would move ahead, and that the May 2021 Primary was the new date established for a public vote.

By Amanda Lynn Barker Let’s talk about food. In late April, the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, which is the largest meatpacking union in the United States, reported that 20 of its workers have passed from COVID 19, and an additional 5000 workers are either hospitalized or showing symptoms. These illnesses and deaths, alongside pandemic-era plant closures, have reduced pork capacity by 25%, and beef capacity by 10 percent. We are in the early stages of what I anticipate will be widespread and long term disruptions in our food supply. In response to the decreased meat production capacity, the White House invoked the Defense Production Act to try to get a handle on the continued availability of meat. The Defense Production Act is modeled from the War Powers Act of 1941, and provides the president with authority through executive order to direct private companies to prioritize orders for national defense purposes. The May 2020 order was invoked to try to keep the processing plants open, defining them as “critical infrastructure.” In a nation that consumes on average 273 pounds of meat for each person per year, we might be hurting and hungry if another more deadly wave of virus hits in the fall as predicted. Our food supply chains are weak and overly complex. Food is manufactured, packaged, transported, and sold across expansive distances in a system contingent on a stable network and reliable cash flow. Meat processing is highly consolidated. For example, three companies produce approximately 70% of the beef market. If one of these plants closes, the US loses 10 million daily servings of beef. The consumer is already feeling this meat shortage. Approximately one in every five Wendy’s fast food chains has run out of meat, and Kroger, along with other supermarkets, has started to limit the amount of meat one shopper can purchase. I guess we did learn something from the toilet paper fiasco after all. Some people prefer to buy their meat directly from butchers, not a he supermarket. The butchers are reporting even higher price increases and even less meat available. In butchers across Ohio, beef prices have gone up 50 percent; pork prices have increased 35 percent; and chicken is about 25 percent more expensive. Although the economy is beginning to “re-open” and even if meat production is considered critical infrastructure, none of us can predict how an uncertain future will impact the production and distribution of meat, let alone other food commodities. Our United States food markets have enjoyed gluttonous privilege, but now trade walls are going up and governments are worried about protecting their own food supplies. Russia is the world’s largest wheat producer, and has limited grain exports at least through June. Egypt has currently stopped all exports of legumes. Argentina, the largest exporter of soybean products, closed the roads in major soybean production areas. Border closures have limited the movement of people,creating global farm labor shortages. Food is currently rotting in fields, while millions of migrant workers are stranded. The US has taken some measures to maintain its domestic food production, but are they enough considering the level of uncertainty? For example, agricultural laborers are defined as “essential workers” and are allowed to continue traveling and working. In California, migrant farm laborers from Mexico carry a new document from the Department of Homeland Security that allows them to cross the border for work. However, vegetable fields, meat processing plants, and shipping centers are labor-intensive industries with little automation. If the virus moves in waves and continues to spread through communities, how will our domestic food production and distribution supply chain adjust to a varied and on-going decline in our workforce? We rely on global resources to feed us, and our domestic farming infrastructure isn’t designed for widespread farm-to- table meals for most people. It seems that the feds are starting to anticipate a food supply issue in the US. In early May, Donald Trump announced that the government would purchase $3 billion worth of meat, dairy, and produce, and allocate that food specifically for charity kitchens and food lines. This money may or may not be part of a $19 billion relief plan through the Department of Agriculture. The White House never clarified or expanded on its announcement. We don’t know how or in what way the pandemic will escalate, or continue to disrupt the economy. We don’t know if the crisis will continue to impact food production and supply. But what we do know is that approximately 25% of Cincinnatians live in what is called a food desert. Food deserts are communities without access to fresh, affordable, and healthy food options. Food deserts are concentrated in high poverty neighborhoods, and Cincinnati has 19 USDA-designated food deserts. For people who live in food deserts, acquiring food is more than its affordability. Shopping is difficult and inconvenient on public transportation or on foot, which leads to more reliance on the unhealthy options available at the closer and more accessible corner stores. Food security was a challenge even before the pandemic, and these areas will experience an increased struggle in the event of any future scarcity. Expanding the already developed network of community gardens is one solution. The Community Garden Program is an outreach effort of the Civic Garden Center, located near Walnut Hills. The Community Garden Program administers the Community Garden Development Training curriculum to provide technical assistance and horticulture education to low and moderate income neighborhoods. Walnut Hills, with a poverty level hovering around 50%, has been a designated food desert since Kroger left in 2017. It does have a very active community garden, and produce is sold as a pay-what-you-can pop-up market to neighborhood residents in the former Kroger parking lot. Avondale is another food desert. It used to have an Aldi’s, but it closed in 2007. However, Avondale has five neighborhood gardens. Community gardens not only provide direct and affordable access to fresh, healthy food, but also connect people to a creative outlet in a non-competitive environment. With effective planning and communication, the community gardens can operate through the summer and into the fall, while also implementing safe social distancing practices. The community gardens won’t feed everyone though, and especially not through the winter. If the supply chain continues to disintegrate, and if another wave of virus sweeps through this fall, we need to anticipate food shortage alongside another stay-at-home order. With preparation though, we can get through it. Another solution is to set aside fresh fruit and vegetables to freeze while they are available this summer. That might mean reducing the amount of processed frozen food that might be stored in the freezer. We can’t all fit a deep freezer in our living spaces. The more space in the freezer that is designated to ice cream and pizza, the less that is available for strawberries, pureed squash, bell peppers, and onions. Also maybe purchase one or two extra items for storage during each trip to the market. Any dry goods or canned items will store well. My studio apartment doesn’t have a pantry, but I have a nine gallon plastic bin with interlocking handles to store my food. This protects the food from any bugs, and also keeps it out of sight so that I’m not tempted to eat it if the other food gets low. Finally, if you are someone who will start to miss the meat, perhaps begin curbing the intake now. Coffee, butter, eggs, sugar, meat, and fish were the main foods rationed during the Great Depression. I personally anticipate having to increase my food budget by about 30% between October 2020, and April 2021, and I will need to adjust my butter and cheese consumption accordingly. Protein powder is still available on the market, and a spoonful of that added to water in the morning will help through the transition. Maybe this planning will be for nothing. Maybe the economy will reopen, the infection numbers will dwindle and no one else will get sick, and we will transform our factory farms into meditative health spas for people recovering from capitalist poverty. If the future unfolds in a different direction, let’s be the ones contentedly stirring our polenta in January, not scrambling over a $5 packet of oatmeal and flailing around at the end of a broken link in the chain.

By Brian Garry Telling someone to stand back feels awkward, but in today’s atmosphere, it’s necessary, and encouraged due to the COVID-19 world-wide pandemic. Some people are going through drastic measures to ensure that others are staying away from them. From wearing swimming pool noodle hats, to inflatable unicorn costumes at the store, they’re getting the job done. However, single mom, Angela Reuss, found another way to address this situation with smart and snazzy Social Distancing T-shirts. These large print shirts have phrases such as: “Don’t Stand So Close to Me” and “Social Distancing- all the cool kids are doing it”. Angela is donating 100% of the profit from this T-shirt campaign to the COVID-19 Response Fund. According to Ms. Reuss, “Going to the store and seeing people not respect social distancing rules is utterly frustrating and dangerous, especially in the city. I try to stay out of the way, and people still seem to find a way to walk really close to me, even when I’m trying to walk away from them. It’s incredibly disturbing. I’m sure others are feeling this same kind of frustration. So I decided to make a Social Distancing T-Shirt campaign, which will not only help people like me get the message across, but also raise money to combat this pandemic.” Angela also created T-shirts for first responders and essential workers such as Doctors, Nurses, Truckers, Grocery Workers, Police & Fire, as well as other essential workers. “While this pandemic swept our nation, and other places around the world, I just felt like there was more I should do than just stay home. Here, I'm staying safely at home, away from all the madness, while there are people, such as first responders, out there on the front lines, battling this war. This is what inspired me to make shirts to acknowledge and support essential workers and social distancing, while simultaneously raising money for the COVID-19 Response Fund.”, Ms. Reuss said. The purpose of the Covid-19 Response Fund is to: * Track and understand the spread of the virus * Ensure patients get the care they need and frontline workers get essential supplies and information * Accelerate research and development of a vaccine and treatments for all who need them T-shirts are available to the public. To get your own social distancing T-Shirt or find out more information about Angela’s Covid Response T-shirt campaign, go to: CovidResponseStore.com

By Bill Woods May 4th is remembered by many older Ohioans as a day in1970 when a tragedy at Kent State University shook the nation and garnered feature stories in The New York Times and Time Magazine. Four student protesters were shot and killed that day by members of the Ohio National Guard. Campus protests opposing the Nixon Administration's invasion of Cambodia a few days earlier had sprung up across the country, and Ohio's Governor Jim Rhodes had called out the National Guard to keep the peace on state university campuses such as Kent State. This set the stage for a showdown that ended with four unnecessary deaths. As can be imagined, this tragic event at Kent State produced shock, anger, and even wider protests at Ohio's colleges and universities. At that moment in time, I was an assistant professor of history and government at Wilmington a College, a Quaker affiliated school one hour north of Cincinnati. Since most of Wilmington's students and faculty were already opposed to the Vietnam War, the invasion of Cambodia sparked a desire to protest. News about Kent State, however, brought students' feelings to a boiling point. Several astute administrators and faculty members realized that unless the college took some action, this student energy and anger could get ugly. An evening meeting was organized where students, faculty, and administrators worked together to plan a response to the May 4th tragedy. I remember attending this planning session and how relieved I was that attendees at this hectic and intense event came up with an action plan that was so in keeping with this Quaker institution. Since a protest rally was already scheduled to take place in Columbus later that week, the plan put together at our ad hoc session called for staging a march by students and faculty that would end up at the State House rally. With classes called off for the rest of the week, my wife and I decided to march with the group. Determining that the marchers needed to look like a diverse collection of people and not just a group of longhaired hippies, I put on a coat and tie for this trek. I also made the mistake of wearing business shoes instead of sneakers, which proved to be very uncomfortable for a daylong walk. About one hundred and fifty of us marched off to Columbus that first day. I remember the weather was warm and sunny, and we traveled along rural highways dotted with farms. More than once, I thought to myself - "What on earth am I doing with this rag-tag group, and are we really accomplishing anything?" The spirits of the group were high, but many of us felt some anxiety about the responses a band of young protesters would receive while marching through rural Ohio. Polarized views about the Vietnam War existed at that time, and certainly many people, who President Nixon referred to as "the silent majority," looked on college students, academicians, and ant-War protesters as "the enemy." Just as we marchers viewed our involvement in Vietnam as morally wrong and having detrimental impacts on the country, others saw us as traitors aiding Communism in the Cold War struggle. Fortunately, we encountered no hostile encounters during this long hike. By the end of the day one, we reached our overnight destination. Arrangements had been made by the college saying that we could camp in an empty field located outside of Washington Court House. We enjoyed a cookout before settling down for the night. I remember experiencing a sleepless night trying to get comfortable bedding down on the grass of our makeshift, outdoor accommodations. On the third morning of this trek, the Wilmington College marchers reached Columbus to join forces with the many other university delegations participating in the State House rally in response to Kent State. (I had escaped for a night's sleep at home before rejoining the group.) After a final walk through downtown Columbus, we found ourselves scrambling to find a place in the assembling crowd of protesters. An estimated 100,000 people attended this event. The actual rally is rather a blur in my mind. I remember being awed by the size of the crowd, and I also worried about how a few troublemakers could easily cause a riot. A number of speeches were given depicting the tragic deaths at Kent State, and how activists must continue to protest the War in honor of the four who lost their lives while protesting the invasion of Cambodia. One speech did leave a lasting impression on me. A speaker representing an all Black university in the south declared that it was only fitting that such a large group had come together to mourn the four slain students. He then pointed out that the similar shooting deaths of several African-American students had received no such public outcry. Once the speeches concluded and the rally ended, we all departed for our respective campuses. It should be noted that the Wilmington College marchers did not walk home. There is no neat ending to this story of the tragedy at Kent State. The Vietnam War continued and the protests continued. Popular discontent did mount to a point in1972 when a strong anti- War candidate, Senator George McGovern, managed to win the Democratic Party's Presidential nomination to run against Richard Nixon. Nixon, however, won a landslide reelection, carrying every state but Massachusetts, and the War dragged on for another year and a half. One footnote concerning the Wilmington students and faculty should be noted. That summer after Kent State, I joined two other faculty members who took a class of students for a ten-day study program in Washington, D.C. In an effort to be conciliatory after receiving so much negative press about the Cambodian invasion and its aftermath, the Nixon Administration felt a need to reach out to college students. Our request for an interview with someone from the White House team was surprisingly accepted, and we found ourselves attending an hour-long session with John Ehrlichman, one of the President's right hand men. In a sense then, we had our chance to speak truth to power. I can't conclude we were very successful!

By Dr. Mark Mussman People look back at Over- the-Rhine in the year 2000, and call it things like an economic wasteland, a drug infested slum, or the most dangerous neighborhood in the country. It’s clear that these comments come out of a certain group of people who wish to exert ownership, or who feel they weren’t making money off of the approximately 8,000 residents. Many underground economies exist because of racist drug policies, or even racist permitting processes. Even though Over-the-Rhine was considered these negative things, there were many small mom-and- pop businesses, and even some larger, like Gold Star Chili, Kroger, Devaroes, yet most of the businesses catered to people who lived in Over- the-Rhine. Hair and nail salons, corner stores, hardware, art, post office, bars, clothing, and Findlay Market were places that residents found refuge in a world that was uncaring and difficult to them. Over-the-Rhine still had the Urban Appalachian Council headquarters on Walnut Street, which was the first stop for many migrating families out of eastern Kentucky, West Virginia, and Tennessee. There were three elementary schools, a couple of private schools, and a public high school. The arts were thriving in the neighborhood, which seems to be a precursor for gentrification. In April of 2001, there was a catalyzing event that brought the focus back onto Over-the-Rhine: the execution of Timothy Thomas by Cincinnati Police Officer Stephen Roach. The aftermath of this event led to a complete change in the way of life in Over-the-Rhine. After Stephen Roach killed 19-year-old Timothy Thomas, as Thomas fled down a dark alley in the middle of the night, Thomas’ mother, and many other mothers and community leaders, went to City Hall to get answers about what happened. Thomas had been one, of more than a dozen, unarmed Black men killed by the Cincinnati Police in a few years. The mothers and grandmothers demanded to know why, and how they could protect their children. The young, appointed Councilmember, John Cranley, told them they would not get answers, and asked everyone to leave City Hall. Unable to get a direct answer from the Police Chief, these concerned residents left City Hall, only to be greeted by riot police. This is what sparked the Rebellion in 2001, which is the largest city rebellion in recent American history. After a chaotic few days, the Cincinnati Police decided to do a “slow-down” and abandoned the neighborhood. This is when outside forces were able to take hold in the neighborhood, and this is why the neighborhood became known as the most dangerous neighborhood in the country. It is due to the complete economic breakdown that was occurring due to systemic racism and the oppression of low-income residents, coupled with an unjust Justice System, and the lack of access to quality healthcare and education. Most crime that occurred was on paper - drug deals, etc., but there were strings of homicides, due to the fact that the police let it be known that they were not going to be patrolling or responding in Over-the-Rhine. People in the neighborhood were working together to create a stronger neighborhood, and for many, life continued as normal. At the time, the Drop Inn Center (Shelterhouse) was still operating daily on 12th and Elm, providing meals for people, and shelter at night. Peaslee’s Steel Drum Band was in full swing. Streetvibes was being published with the legendary Jimmy Heath at the helm. The Homeless Coalition was fighting against unjust panhandling laws and encampment sweeps. The Contact Center was registering people to vote and fighting against the Welfare to Work policies of the Clinton Administration. The Intercommunity Justice and Peace Center (at the time, the Interfaith Justice and Peace Center) was gearing up for a many year fight against the illegal and unjust War on Terror. Mercy St. John was providing meals twice a day out of their sandwich windows. The Catholic Worker House was merging and providing a substance-free new beginning to men who needed short-term housing. And all the while, the Mary Magdalen House provided showers, clean clothing, and dignity to our neighbors from their storefront location on Main Street. The operations of the Over-the- Rhine People’s Movement could not be stopped because the need was so great. Nightly curfews over the city were applied only to Black and low- income residents, as parties and bar operations continued in Mt. Adams, Hyde Park, and other affluent neighborhoods. Mayor Charlie Luken told everyone to “go home and watch tv” and the nights became quiet around the edges of Over- the-Rhine. Before Office Roach was aquitted of the misdemeanor charges brought upon him, the 2001 so- called Terrorist Attacks took place on September 11th. This event changed the trajectory of the organizing in Cincinnati, as everyone was impacted by the event, no matter where you lived in the City. Once 9/11 happened, the passion around fighting for justice seemed to fizzle out, and people began to focus on systemic changes. The federal Department of Justice (DOJ) came to Cincinnati and found that the Cincinnati police had been training their officers to use racial profiling as the base of their operations. Timothy Thomas had been pulled over many times for driving without a license, due to racial profiling. The DOJ required the Cincinnati Police to change policies, which wasn’t the first time the Cincinnati Police were required to change, as they were required to hire women and Black officers back in the 1970’s due to the pervasive level of racism in the department. After 2001, the police began to participate in Community Problem Oriented Policing (CPOP) only because members of the Black community fought to see systemic change. Due to the pressure from Black citizens and the Department of Justice, a Citizen’s Complaint Authority (CCA) was created and police are to keep Contact Cards (information estimating the age, race, gender of everyone they come into contact with during their shift). The Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) has fought these changes many times, and often is out of compliance. The CCA keeps a record of police officers who are known to be racist, yet they have little power due to the FOP. Today, Mayor John Cranley will say that the killing of Timothy Thomas, or as he inaccurately calls it the Race Riot of 2001, was the catalyst of the renaissance of Over-the-Rhine. But it’s clear that the white ruling class had been conspiring to take control of the neighborhood since the 1980’s, if not earlier. (Just a note: Race Riots have always been when white people destroy and kill people in Black neighborhoods. Calling the Rebellion in 2001 a “Race Riot” is entirely racist. Calling it a Civil Unrest is slightly better, but we know “Rebellion” is accurate because the DOJ showed unequivocally that the Cincinnati Police Department was operating unjustly, and rebellions are fights against injustice.) It was only after the Rebellion in 2001 that the Mayor at the time, Charlie Luken, and a Vice President of Procter and Gamble (P&G) colluded to create a extrajudicial organization that would have little to no governmental oversight: Cincinnati City Center Development Corporation, also known as 3CDC. 3CDC has become the largest purveyor of violence in Over-the-Rhine since it’s entrance into the neighborhood around 2008. Before 2008, 3CDC briefly operated as the City’s Planning Department due to funding cuts, used public funds to build the parking structure at the Banks for an entertainment district, and privatized Fountain Square in downtown Cincinnati. 3CDC paid as little as $1 for much of the property that 3CDC acquired from the City, including Fountain Square, and later, Washington Park. 3CDC has directly removed low- income and Black residents from their homes, as well as, small businesses. 3CDC has indirectly removed Black and low-income residents from the neighborhood entirely. We have seen a loss of more than half of the Black residents since 2001, and the trend continues today. 3CDC’s idea of affordable housing is not attainable to the residents, and only continues to further push residents from their homes. They operate as a quasi-governmental organization, with a backdoor to City Hall, where they are able to get millions in public funding that could be used to create and sustain affordable housing. 3CDC does not consider low-income people as their base because their board is hand-picked by the Mayor, and their membership is mostly Fortune 500 companies like Kroger, 5/3 Bank, P&G, and Macy’s. They have no regard for low income families, unless they are asking the public for donations. As a private non-profit organization, they operate as a shadow government, which not only gets funds from all sorts of public sources, but also directly from property taxes. In 2019 and 2020, they are working to expand their ability to receive property taxes directly, as they have an insatiable thirst for power and control over the neighborhood. Fortunately, the many founders of the Over-the-Rhine People’s Movement had the foresight to own their property to create stability in the neighborhood. These organizations are continuously fighting back against the abuse of 3CDC, but because 3CDC has no public oversight, it is a daunting task and struggle. Over- the-Rhine Community Council, a public neighborhood group, often votes against 3CDC proposals, but Cincinnati City Council overrides the community council wishes, or 3CDC just does what they want anyway. Until City Hall challenges, rather than protects, 3CDC, it will continue to be an uphill battle to fight for the rights of Black and low- income residents in Over-the-Rhine.

By Sam Schloemer I once had a neighbor who was irritated that I would visit and take cookies to the men incarcerated at Lebanon Correctional Institute. I wonder what he would say if he knew I was now visiting men on Death Row at Chillicothe Correction Institute. My friendship with men in prison began in 2000 as I continued to work to reduce my tendency toward being judgmental. You see, I was very indifferent to people who looked, dressed, spoke, drove different cars than me, lived in different kinds of houses where they were raising their kids differently than me. I could out-judge anyone. I was good at it. BUT I didn’t like the way I felt inside. Becoming a Kairos Prison Ministry volunteer in 2002 was a continuation of my working with my spiritual director in helping to bring about some changes in myself. It worked. This was a once in a lifetime experience in that I was visiting with men who, by many standards, are society’s outcasts. I was hoping that if I could hold the hands of men in prison and pray with them that I could look at people out on the street a little differently. Just as Kairos has changed the lives of many incarcerated men and women, and other volunteers, it’s been a life changing experience for me. I know I am doing something good for others. With some of the men inside the prison, we become good friends and in many instances their family. One of the inevitable things of being incarcerated is the loss of family, even their parents, their children, siblings, friends. It’s tragic. So, the men are ever so thankful for our visits, letters and our friendships. It becomes evident when we walk in to visit, they are beaming, all smiles with open arms waiting for a hug. As caregivers, we are thanked many times for what we give. But as we all come to find out, we receive so much back. These experiences have given me much to reflect on and to be thankful for. Knowing that the men trust me has given me great consolation because prison systems are loaded with bureaucrats and people who don’t care, because “those people” are prisoners. In summary, being involved is a commitment to take up the towel and become a servant in union with Christ. Serve with humility, without concern for results and recognition. Not too many people who write or visit the men and women in prison will make the 6 or 11 pm news, but that’s not why I do it. “Life is short, so forgive quickly. Believe slowly. Love truly. Laugh uncontrollably. Never regret anything that makes you happy. And have a wonderful journey.” I’ve been on a great journey. — Someone on Ohio’s Death Row is waiting for YOU to write them! During this time of social distancing, entering into a pen pal relationship is a great way to connect, learn, and affirm one another’s humanity. To be matched with your pen pal and/ or learn more about the process, contact Jessie@IJPCcincinnati.org.

By Alexandra McIntosh You’ve probably heard the one about canaries in the coal mines—how old-timey miners took birdcages into the dark passages with them, the birdsong winging its way along the slick rock roofs. The birds' bodies were more sensitive than the miners, and their chirping would stop if there was a gas leak, alerting the crew that they needed to pack out. The soft thud of bird bodies against cage floors was the equivalent of modern day detection system alarm bells. Kurt Vonnegut famously said that artists play a similar role in society, that their despair and outrage a signify that society is off track. As an artist myself, and a friend to many artists, I would agree that we’re a sensitive breed. That is not to say, of course, that non-artists are not empathetic, or don’t feel despair, but the pain seems to reside deeper in artists. More like an ache rather than an abrasion; something that cannot be ignored or looked around. More like a vantage point, something that must be looked out of. Coronavirus is no doubt causing worldwide grief, and artists are no exception. The uncertainty, the lack of information, the fear is affecting us all, regardless of our intellectual bents. It’s this grief that reminded me of Vonnegut’s canaries, that made me wonder if he was right, if perhaps a tad pessimistic—a label Vonnegut’s dystopian prose has certainly earned him before. It’s interesting, though, that Vonnegut’s very real experience as a POW in World War II no doubt served as inspiration for some of his most unimaginable fiction; one might argue that a global health crisis causing minority communities disproportionate harm, families lacking access to economic aid, and panicked protestors demanding their rights to put others at risk, seems fairly dystopian as well. Artists, particularly artists of color and their allies, have long been grieving the unjust economic environment of our times. And the outcome of COVID19 has been an all- too-predictable lesson in inequality. I wonder though, if Vonnegut’s coal mine theory is lacking an important component. What if the canaries aren’t just there to die? What if their purpose is about more than just keeping the miners alive? What if their chirping— and lack thereof—isn’t just an archaic alarm system, but a brilliant light in the dark? What if the miners needed company as well as warning, beauty as much as safety? We see in the art of all oppressed people groups not just information but splendor. Slave songs contained messages yes, but they were wrapped in beauty. Native artwork mourns the precious loss of culture precisely by preserving its loveliness. The Black Arts Movement resisted White Supremacy through creativity, through freedom of expression, through beauty. What if our goal during the pandemic is not only to mourn but also to rejoice? What if our goal as artists, as speakers of truth, and cultural preservationists, is not only to get angry, but to get beautiful? To dance, to sing, to write poems, to paint vibrantly, to laugh, and embrace humanity even while we’re in isolation? Because the resistance and the art are one and the same. The canaries’ songs were a revolt against death as much as was their biological sensitivity. As artists, our joy is as powerful, and as essential, as our pain. So, let’s not wait to be noticed until we’re no longer singing. Let us create in our grief. Let us grieve vibrantly. Beautifully. Alexandra McIntosh lives and writes in Kentucky, her favorite place in the world. You can find links to her publications and photos of her dog on her website AlexandraMcIntosh.com.

By Pinecrest Residents’ United On Tuesday, April 28, 2020, at 11am, spokespeople from Pinecrest Residents’ United will gather in front of their building at 3951 Eighth Street W #100 for a press conference. When residents at the Price Hill CMHA property first learned their building was undergoing a conversion called Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) alongside major renovations, they organized themselves and formed the Pinecrest Residents’ United to protect their tenant rights throughout the lengthy project. As the COVID-19 pandemic forces stay-at-home orders across Ohio, the Pinecrest residents are now fighting for a fair relocation allowance; they are now organizing for their health against relocation notices. During the RAD conversion, CMHA plans to renovate the entire building, starting from the top floor of the nine-story high rise, and will require every resident to move at least once, and in many cases, twice. The original plans included construction beginning June 1, 2020. Residents moving out of the building temporarily would receive a 30-day relocation notice, while residents leaving permanently would receive a 90-day notice. When Governor DeWine announced an extension of the stay-at-home order until at least May 1, 2020, residents saw the need to communicate with CMHA. In a March 20 letter, the Pinecrest Residents’ United wrote, “CMHA needs to adjust the RAD renovation timeline. Public health authorities are using data models to predict a peak of COVID-19 infections in Ohio around mid- May. We demand CMHA to stop all relocation activities until at least June 1, 2020, and then evaluate the infection rates and risk at that time. Many of our residents are elderly and members of otherwise vulnerable populations. Moving us around the city will expose us unnecessarily to this potentially fatal virus.” In his April 3, 2020, response, Mr. Greg Johnson, CEO of CMHA, stated that “CMHA is extremely sensitive to the health concerns related to COVID-19 and ... CMHA will not do any moves until May 15th 2020. We plan to update you on this on or before the May 15th whether or not we will commence moving on May 16th or move the date out even further.” However, a week ago, CMHA served residents on the seventh, eighth, and ninth floors of the Pinecrest with relocation notices to vacate their units on May 23. Many notices included errors. For example, a couple who currently resides in a two-bedroom unit is being moved into a one-bedroom unit, violating the comparable housing conditions of the Uniform Relocation Act. Many residents are not being shown three units, but are given only a choice of one, which violates HUD mandates. Additionally, multiple residents were told to move into units that are currently occupied. Finally, residents who are leaving Pinecrest permanently were given only a 30- day notice instead of the 90-days required by law. Impacted residents have contacted the phone numbers and email addresses provided for the CMHA Relocation Team, with no response. These uncertainties have caused emotional stress for residents who are already under tension from the on-going struggle to have CMHA hear and respect their voices, and puts people at direct risk of exposure to the highly infectious disease of COVID-19. Consistently throughout the months of meeting and attempted negotiations with CMHA to protect their rights throughout the RAD conversion, the members of Pinecrest Residents’ United have heard claims that CMHA is operating under the plans that are best for the Pinecrest residents. However, CMHA has consistently neglected to factor in the resident voices as expressed in the still-unsigned MOU, and now CMHA is issuing move-out notices while the State of Ohio is under a stay-at-home order to mitigate the spread of COVID-19. CMHA has acted in its own interest with minimal or complete disregard for the emotional and physical well- being of its residents. To regain its public trust, CMHA must sign an amenable MOU with Pinecrest Residents’ United, and halt all RAD relocation until at least June 1, 2020