By Bill Woods How have African- Americans fared in the political process in the last five and a half decades? This period covers the flowering of the Civil Rights Movement and the election of the first African-American President. It's a time frame that produced major advancements, but also left large problems and issues to be addressed. When Streetvibes editor Gabriela Godinez-Feregrino decided to dedicate this issue to Black History Month, she asked me to do a piece on African- Americans and politics. As an aging white man, I took on this assignment with trepidation. Nevertheless, I determined to offer my observations on this theme beginning with the year I graduated from college in 1963. Much of the South was still legally segregated in the early 1960s, and I graduated from a Midwestern college that still accepted national fraternities on campus that prohibited African- Americans from membership. During the summer after graduation in 1963, I landed a temporary job writing press releases for the City Charter Committee, Cincinnati's reform political party. It was a Council election year, and Charter was determined to reelect Theodore M. Berry, an African-American attorney, to that body. Under the PR-voting system (proportional representation), Berry had been elected to Council by large margins, but the voters abolished PR in 1957. Political observers at the time attribute the successful effort to eliminate proportional representation to a whispering campaign that Berry was getting too powerful and might eventually become mayor. That summer was also the backdrop for the March on Washington, where thousands of African-Americans rallied for Civil Rights. I remember on that August afternoon, Forest Frank, the Director of the Charter Committee, called me into his office to watch this event on a small television set. In that setting, I heard Martin Luther King give his "I have a dream" speech. It was impossible not to be moved by his powerful words, and I think I unconsciously thought that this was an historic moment. From August onward, Dr. King became one of the key figures in the Civil Rights movement, and more and more effective, peaceful protests took place throughout the South. Meanwhile here in Cincinnati that November, Theodore Berry won back a seat on Council. In the next few years, the movement moved forward on a number of fronts throughout the country. For instance in Washington, D.C., a flurry of activity took place. Lyndon Johnson became an activist President after the assassination of John F. Kennedy, and he was able to move legislation along that had been bogged down for a long time. One of the major Civil Rights laws that passed during this period was the Voting Rights Act, an act that for years helped eliminate state laws designed to prevent African- Americans from voting and participating in the political process. President Johnson also launched what he called "The War on Poverty," a plan that brought about urban projects such as the Community Action Program, Model Cities, and additional funding for housing and job training. These initiative weren't sufficient to eliminate poverty, but they did provide needed assistance to inner city Black neighborhoods. These Civil Rights advances caused several backlashes in the country. Politicians such as Alabama Governor George Wallace made his reputation by defying the new federal laws, and the once solid Democratic South began its shift to the Republican Party. The urban riots that took place in cities across the nation from 1966-1968 were in part due to Black inner city residents feeling that all the fanfare about Civil Rights and desegregation had not done much to improve their lives. Meanwhile more African- Americans were elected to public office. Changing urban demographics made this possible, and when Carl Stokes was elected Mayor of Cleveland in 1967, he became the first African-American mayor of a major U.S. city. When I was teaching at Wilmington College in 1969, I interviewed the Mayor when he received an honorary degree at the College's graduation ceremonies. This trend continued. Not only were more and more African- Americans selected as mayors, but also a number of them were elected to Congress from cities such as Detroit, Cleveland, and New York City. In fact, Lewis Stokes, Carl Stokes' brother, was elected to Congress from a Cleveland area district, and he served for years as an influential member of the Congressional Black Caucus. A precursor to Barack Obama's successful campaign for President in 2008 was the Rev. Jesse Jackson's credible bid for the Democratic nomination for that office in 1988. In short, the progress of African- Americans winning public office has gone forward to the present day. Finally, Barack Obama was elected to the nation's highest office for two terms. At the moment, at least two African-Americans are vying for the Democratic nomination for President in 2020. Nevertheless, several major problems plague our political system today that makes life difficult for millions of African- Americans. The influence of "big money" in political campaigns at all levels gives way too much influence to wealthy interest groups. Little attention in recent times has been paid to growing poverty and income inequality, and a large percentage of low-income families and individuals are African-American. The safety net of programs and services for people in need has been gutted over the last three decades. Reforms must put in place that will make average Americans, and especially people in need, the focus of attention of our elected representatives. A second problem for African- Americans is their minimal influence on the Republican Party. In the last fifty years, the Party of Lincoln has become the white man's party, and Republican officials tend to ignore Civil Rights issues or issues of urban poverty. This fact makes the Democratic Party the only political outlet for African- Americans. In summary, African-Americans have had a lot of progress politically over the last half-century, and that fact should be celebrated. However, it must not be ignored that the U.S. is at turning point in dealing with some critical economic, social, and political issues. We all must make some adequate public responses to them or accept a steady decline.

By Dr. Mark Mussman The Cincinnati region is home to segregated neighborhoods and schools. The typical American mantra is that we have overcome segregation and with that, we’ve created a level playing field. Recently, I wrote about how little has changed in Cincinnati over the past couple of decades, and I mentioned that schools are more segregated now than ever, especially when it comes to income segregation. As an educator, I wanted to dig deeper into racial segregation in our schools. There is considerable educational research that shows that educational success is only linked to two indicators: family income and school expenditures on curricular materials. In Ohio, these two things are intricately linked, as school funding is dependent on property taxes. In a few rare cases, there are some communities who are able to offset their residential property taxes with commercial property taxes, but for the most part, if a neighborhood has expensive homes, the schools in the neighborhood will be able to spend more per student. The school that spends the most in Ohio, spends nearly $40,000 per student on their education. In Hamilton County, Indian Hill spends the most per student; in 2016 that number was nearly $20,000. These amounts dwarf the $10,000 spent on each student in Cincinnati Public Schools. As my work brings me in and out of schools on a constant basis, I am always surprised when I visit a non-segregated school. It is rare, but it does happen. I wondered what this would look like, on a statistical level, so I began doing a data search. The State of Ohio keeps records on public schools, but does not provide information on charter, private, or religious schools. Since the segregation in the Catholic Schools in Cincinnati seems to be anecdotely related to racism: as my family members have vocally said they will send their children to Catholic schools because there are “too many Black people” in the public schools, I can readily and wholeheartedly say that the push for a Catholic school education comes more out of racism than their adherence to Catholic beliefs. However, the Catholic schools in Cincinnati aren’t completely white, as many schools are completely Black, especially at the elementary level. An example of this is in East Walnut Hills, where St. Francis de Sales Elementary is almost entirely African American, and Mercy Montessori, just a few blocks away is mostly white. Until the demographic information is made available, we can just go from our experience, and know the Black Catholic schools and the white Catholic schools. Focusing on the public schools has the benefit of also thinking deeper into the racial dynamics of the neighborhood, or municipality, in which the schools operate. In my research, I am including the demographic data from 49 local schools. I was unable to get Ohio data from Dater, Gamble, Taft, and Seven Hills School, which I suspect are each racially segregated. I also had to use Mason Middle School data, as the high school data wasn’t on the state’s page. Finally, Harrison High School data was not available. However, the data I did collect represents more than 50,000 students in the Cincinnati region, in Ohio. I did not include Northern Kentucky, although recents reports put that region near the top of the most economically segregated schools in America. When school desegregation efforts were in full swing in the 1970’s, the definition of segregation was a school with 70% or more of one race or ethnic group. This is the standard that I am using here. The results below show that most students in Cincinnati go to a segregated school. The level of segregation would be shocking, if we didn’t expect this to be the case. Of the 50,274 students in the 49 local schools, 34,814 students attended racially segregated schools. Far more than half of the attendees. 9 schools have less than 10 African American students in attendance: Ross, Claremont-Eastern, Bethel- Tate, New Richmond, Goshen, Taylor, Mariemont, Batavia, and Madeira. The total population of these schools is 5,237 students. Less than 90 students total, in all of these schools, are African American. Ross High School has the distinct honor of the most white, at 98%. Other schools that are 90% or more white include: Amelia, Loveland, Turpin, Anderson, Oak Hills, Milford, and Little Miami Local School District. Schools in the 80-89% white category include Lebanon, Kings, Reading, Monroe, and Indian Hill. Schools that are 70-79% white include: Wyoming, Lakota, Deer Park, and Norwood. This leaves Sycamore on the border at 67% with a 8% African American population. It should be noted, that these levels of segregation are not natural, and that segregation comes from decades of racism in housing, education, employment, transportation, health care, etc. None of this “just happens” but rather it is a concerted effort by banks, real estate professionals, racist policies, and policing. Many of these communities were “Whites Only” communities, through redlining, restrictive covenants, and other concerted efforts to exclude people of color from settling there. This is also not some historical issue, if it was, then we wouldn’t continue to have severely segregated schools. There’s another side to this, where schools are segregated at more than 70% African American. The most segregated Black school is Woodward, (again Taft data wasn’t available, which I suspect is very highly segregated as well), with 94% African American, and 1% white. Shroder comes in second at 93% African American, followed by Hughes at 90%, Aiken at 86%, Withrow at 83%, North College Hill at 81%, Western Hills at 78%, Mount Healthy at 74%, and Virtual High at 70% African American. Other than North College Hill and Mount Healthy, these are Cincinnati Public Schools. Generational poverty creates a more expensive remedy for these schools, as schools are forced to pick up more slack, even serving two or three meals a day, ramping up wrap-around services such as medical care, and providing family-based education options. Schools that are majority white have less additional expenses because of the generational wealth that our public policies granted them over the last generations. There are some schools that aren’t so severely segregated, but I might argue are still segregated, but they have a larger Hispanic or Asian population, which tilts the numbers into 3 boxes, instead of two: African American and white. This includes Princeton, which is 23% white, 46% African American, and 21% Hispanic. While no one is a majority alone, it reaches segregation levels while including Asian and Pacific Islander as well. Also, I would put Mason City Schools into this category as well, with 61% white, but less than 4% African American. There is a large Asian population in Mason schools, at 24% of the student body. Winton Woods also fits in this category with 27% of the students of Hispanic, Asian, or multiracial identity. A discussion about the so-called “model minority” in education, what that means for other minorities, and how this dilutes race-based measures, will need to be saved for another article, but it’s an important consideration when looking at the statistics. We are left with 11,120 students who attend desegregated schools, based upon the formula I discussed above (70% threshold). Each of the following 10 schools have less than 70% of a single race or minority grouping. The percentage of African American and white students total in each school is between 80 and 88 percent. While these numbers may not accurately portray the community within which the school resides, as there are other schools, such as charter and religious schools, it may make a statement about the school’s commitment to creating a social system that enables students to make informed decisions on their exposure to people of different ethnicities. Four of the schools, Clark Montessori, Oyler, SCPA, and Walnut Hills are Cincinnati public schools, while the other six are mostly suburban schools: Colerain, Fairfield, Finneytown, Lockland, Northwest, and St. Bernard/Elmwood Place. Only one school, SCPA is more than 50% African American, at 53%. These numbers don’t get to deeper issues of representation. What does it matter if a school’s student population is desegregated if there are no African American teachers or administrators? How are Black students treated differently when it comes to punishments, or even advance courses such as AP? What is the graduation rate for African American students? What is the level of police presence in each school? How are the relationships different between students and staff, including detention guards and so-called School Resource Officers? But what we can gleam from this data is that we are still in an active mode of segregation when the vast majority of our students attend extremely segregated schools, live in segregated neighborhoods, and ultimately, live segregated lives.

By Josh Spring When we talk about history, we tend to discuss particular individuals, groups or campaigns that were covered in abundance by the press and that accomplished specific changes. Or we look at history as a series of highlighted stories through decades. These parts of history are very important and certainly can serve as inspiration for our work continuing. But not looking at the whole picture and instead seeing history as a limited number if inspirational stories can make systemic change seem unobtainable. Take for example the “Civil Rights Movement”. We learn about “Brown v. Board of Education”, “Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott”, the “Little Rock Nine”, the “Lunch Counter Sit-Ins”, “Ruby Bridges”, “Freedom Riders”, “Marches, Dogs, Hoses and Bombs in Birmingham”, the “March on Washington”, “I Have a Dream”, the “Civil Rights Act”, the “March to Montgomery”, the “Poor Peoples’ Campaign” and the assassination of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. I list each of these in quotations because the way history is taught and discussed, these actions have in many ways been made into products that sell books, movies and are used by corporations to fain care. For many they have become stories of the past you hear about, with larger than life characters who had some genius ideas, unfettered focus and through these this limited list of events, accomplished major changes. What do most people think about this information? They feel uplifted and thankful. What does history told in this way lead most people to do? You might say to yourself, “Well, I can’t have that unfettered focus because I have to go to work, I have to feed my kids, I have to pay the rent” or “I have to find a home, I have to avoid harassment by the police, I have to deal with family issues, I have to play with my children…”. Or perhaps, “Well, I don’t have any genius ideas”, “I’m not good at giving speeches”, “I don’t know how to lead a march or organize a boycott.” So then we say, “I really wish we had a ‘Martin Luther King’ today, we really need a strong leader.” But here’s the thing, history, systemic change and over-throw of systems don’t actually happen in a series of stories led by fearless, other-worldly strategic geniuses with nothing else going on in their lives. No, changing systems and creating and implementing new systems are accomplished by the hard work of many people, with different sets of strengths and limitations and with lots going on in their lives. The larger than life characters in these stories were not larger than life. They struggled, screwed up, got distracted at times, had other close people to care for, got confused and were not isolated islands spitting out perfect ideas and plans. These stories are not story-book at all. They all involve people going to long meetings, arguing about tactics, trying to agree on goals, planning actions and then having to reschedule them, implementing plans that work and plans that don’t. People didn’t one day just decide to make some major move that would have long-lasting impact. People planned, evaluated, fed their kids, attended marches, went to school, gave speeches, cleaned their dishes, cried, looked for employment, clapped, struggled to pay the rent, felt scared but supported each other, read, led, followed and everything else humans have to do both to live and force change. The gathering of people created support systems that allowed this to be possible. We learn about all of these stories that from the tell of it seemed to achieve major accomplishments through a limited number of wonderful actions. We don’t learn about all of the many, many more other actions, both successful and unsuccessful. We don’t learn about the many boycotts in small towns, the neighborhood marches to stop displacement, the workers gathering to demand fair wages, the many lawsuits to challenge inhumane municipal laws, the disruption of discriminatory meetings, the rallies against red-lining, the establishment of neighborhood-serving organizations, the sit-ins at public offices, etc. We don’t learn about the hours, days, months and years of knocking on doors, street-corner conversations, hanging flyers, making phone calls, cooking meals for gatherings, documenting evidence, honing statements and crafting demands. People and organizations behind current inhumane systems want us to think that movements are the result of one or a few special people. In fact, they, themselves, want to believe that too, because, for them the reality that movement and the topple of injustice is led by small groups of regular people who build into larger and larger groups of regular people, is much scarier. We have the power.

Sidewalk people. Street smart. Ron English, a diva in chalk. Sebastian, the sombrero-clad bicyclist. Memories surround Carl at the old Carl’s Bar. Raymond Thunder-Sky, adorned in a hard-hat helmet; Fifi Taft Rockefeller, feisty in sequins and green wig. They are all Mayors of 12th Street. Screen doors. Slammed shut. Suddenly open. Nickels. Dimes. A Gateway Quarter brawl. Corner dealer. Cops stop. They smile. All once farmland here. Long before the Drop. Rows corn. Holstein cows. Dairy airs. Hillbilly feuds. Zombie Amish. Jammed cicada jelly. Accidental empires. Cobble-stone alleys of the Rhine. A hungry legend. Perhaps apocryphal tale. Batavia’s lost gold ingots, buried. What lies beneath. Somewhere hidden. A secret under our 12th Street rubble. Gold-miners still dig here. Like fierce gerbils. Welcome to 12th Street. By Felix Winternitz

By Dr. Mark Mussman The new year always brings a renewed interest. People head in droves to the gym for the first, attendance at Church spikes, and people’s resolutions stay on their mind. In a year, a great deal of things change. This year, we need to be vocal about things that have a disparate impact on people experiencing homelessness, as well as, those who are on the edge of homelessness. The following are a few things that we need to stay on top of this year. Pricey Policies For your housing to be considered “affordable,” you should be spending no more than 30% of your income on your housing, including utilities. Last year, Duke Energy raised everyone’s bill by $200, spread over the course of the year. This rate hike was approved by the Ohio Legislature, and there was literally nothing that we could do to stop it. This year, we are looking at higher food prices, higher cable and internet prices, and higher parking costs. In Over-the-Rhine, south of Liberty, all on-street parking will now be either metered or permit only. The cost to park in Over-the-Rhine has increased dramatically recently, and it is the most expensive outside of the Central Business District. Whether you will be paying at the meter, or for the parking permit, you will be spending more time looking for parking, and more time walking from your parking spot. The residential parking program needs to over-sell the spots to be successful. By using my basic math skills, I’ve found that at full price, the City must sell 1250 parking spots to break even. (There are projected program costs of around $75,000, and the permits cost $60 each. An unlimited number of permits will be sold.) There are only 500 parking spots, so each spot will have been, at least, double sold. The fees and tickets that people who park in the residential parking spots may be able to cover some of the program costs, but what is the psychological effect on people who get parking tickets when visiting the neighborhood? The eventual fall out of this program may force the City to scrap the program, or to extend it north of Liberty. It is a new cost that we all need to keep our eyes on. Privatization of Public Space Privatization is a perennial issue that affects us all. In the past, I have written on neoliberalism, and the quest to turn public wealth into private riches. We are seeing a robust movement of privatization in Cincinnati, and across the country, which is draining our collective wealth in exchange for individual riches. For example, over the past two years, we lost Ziegler Park to 3CDC, who now controls who is able to use the park, when, and how. They provide private security to force people who are experiencing homelessness away from the park. Others have complained that the 3CDC workers have “banned” them from park bathrooms. 3CDC has leased out the park decades from the City, but they should still maintain their public status. Unfortunately, many people feel that the park is private now. In 2019, we are looking at the privatization of Findlay Playground. Model Group, a large developer, has plans to lease the alleyway next to the park. Last week, I noticed a fence around the alleyway, which to me, confirms that Model was successful with their privatization. Currently, there is a fence around Findlay Playground, and local organizers are trying to collect the stories of those who frequent the park. I have written extensively about how the police and the City team up to create a hostile environment in their quest for gentrification of Over-the-Rhine. Check out the police lights set up around Findlay Park, watch the increased patrols, and you will clearly see the concerted effort put in place to remove people from the park. This loss of public space continues in other ways as well. Looking up and down the sidewalk, you will see more restaurant and bars stumbling out into public space. The loss of sidewalk space represents a serious loss of our community. When bars get seating space on the sidewalk, they create a permanent barrier so that people will be allowed to drink alcohol on the sidewalk. While this represents a double standard, as people who are experiencing homelessness are criminalized for the same behavior, it also means that people with disabilities, families with strollers, and large families, are obstructed on the sidewalk. Ultimately, this means that we are pushed out from our usual spaces. Forced to find new routes. Renaming to Own The so-called Over-the-Rhine Brewery District plans to have a banner year in 2019. The Brewery District Community Urban Redevelopment Corporation (BDCURC) is getting ready to unveil their own wayfinding signs north of Liberty. You may have already seen medallions in the sidewalk, but have you seen the giant signs that are blocking the sidewalks in some places? The Brewery District’s Master Plan’s mission clearly shows a lack of inclusion of low-income residents: “To envision investment and development opportunities for businesses and real estate developers that will be supported by the neighborhood, and that will help guide efforts for physical public improvements to accommodate such development.” By renaming the part of the neighborhood, the Brewery District is trying to remodel the neighborhood into a false vision of the past, which is only inclusive of white, rich, and alcohol guzzling tourists. Look out for other things being renamed, including streets, so-called “Districts,” and other public spaces. Housing Protections and the Affordable Housing Trust Fund In Ohio, renters have very few protections. Your landlord can refuse taking your rent, then evict you for non-payment of rent. This practice is a threat to stable housing. While change in Ohio may take long, we are looking to push forward housing protections that would stop this type of deceitful practice. Along with the local Affordable Housing Trust Fund, housing protections such as these will ensure people will be able to stay in their homes. Unfortunately, the Trust Fund isn’t funded yet, so we will be working this year to ensure funding for affordable housing. The Homeless Coalition is currently fighting for the right of self-determination in federal court. If we are successful, we will have prevented the stripping of many Constitutional Amendments, including Freedom of Speech and protections against cruel and unusual punishment and the seizure of personal property. This lawsuit will have a large regional impact, and is definitely something to watch this year. Special Improvement District (SID) Another thing to keep your eye on this year is the proposed Special Improvement District (SID) for southern Over-the-Rhine. A SID has existed downtown for a couple decades, which funds Downtown Cincinnati Inc. (DCI). DCI employs people as Downtown Ambassadors who spend the days and night sweeping up the sidewalks and gutters. They are also available for people who have questions. As I have written before, 3CDC, Urban Sites, and the Over-the-Rhine Chamber of Commerce, are planning on hoisting a SID on the southern part of Over-the-Rhine. They are using scare tactics to pressure residents at the Community Council to accept the tax plan. Only 60% of the property owners (based upon the linear footage) need to vote for the SID to impose a tax on all of the properties in the proposed SID. In the end, this will cause rents to raise, and will increase homelessness in our area. It will also create a force to police the streets, pushing people who are experiencing homelessness into the shadows. When SIDs are created, laws criminalizing homelessness are likely to follow. When people are forced into the shadows, they are more likely to be victims of violent crime. Each of these issues negatively impacts the lives of those who are experiencing homelessness and those who are on the edge of homelessness. Without the efforts of the Homeless Coalition, our member organizations, and our supporters, many of these changes would go by without note, and the voices of those who are affected would be lost.

What’s going on ask singer Marvin Gaye What’s going on in our world of today Stealing from each other, killing one another Lying, cheating and still calling each other brother Disillusioned by what our lives should really be Misunderstanding that we’re all born in sin, you and me Forgetting each day to let live and let love Forgetting to give all praises due to God up above Everyone needs to take time out to pray And ask God to forgive our sins each and everyday To replace hate with peace and love where ever we can Only then can we see what’s going on all over the land So for me this is what’s really going on We as a people must come together before all life is gone!!! By Willa D. Jones

By Bill Woods Things in D.C. got really chancy, But holding firm was Speaker Nancy. Trump had tantrums to get his way, But Speaker Nancy refused to play. Now we are in a three week break, And grownups better negotiate.

By Josh Spring FC Cincinnati has petitioned the City of Cincinnati to make a significant zoning change to the area of the West End they want to build a stadium. Council Members are saying that before they vote on this change, they need to see a completed study that shows how noise from the stadium will adversely affect functions at Music Hall. As this discussion occurs, we are struck by the fact that the topic of housing and displacement is largely absent. The weak community benefits agreement signed by FC Cincinnati on which the city council vote last year regarding stadium funding hinged, included that a study of affordable housing and adverse effects would be complete. This study, being done by an out-of-town firm is not due to be finished until June. However, the preliminary research shows that likely thousands of people’s housing would be threatened. The preliminary research mirrors what our organization has been saying since last year. FC Cincinnati said they would not displace anyone. While we have said, even if that is true, the stadium will lead to development prospecting, gentrification, increased rents and displacement. However, true to form, FC Cincinnati has already displaced neighborhood small businesses and residents. Why is it that city council is saying that before they vote on this zoning change, they must first be able to read the report on the negative affects the sound from a stadium would have on Music Hall, yet they have not required that the report on housing and displacement be completed first? Both common sense and the preliminary findings of the study indicate thousands of people could be displaced from their homes through a significant loss of affordable housing and rising costs to people who own their homes. We, of course, believe that spending millions of dollars, especially public dollars to benefit the billionaire owners of FC Cincinnati is wrong. Not investing very large sums into digging our way out of our current housing crisis (40,000 homes short, 28,000 in the City) is wrong. Not having necessary protections against unjust evictions and displacement for profit is wrong. We are working to get the city to establish significant, annual revenue sources for the newly established Affordable Housing Trust Fund, which passed last year after more than a year of our advocacy. We are working to get legislation that would actively protect people’s right to not unjustly be put of their homes. But come on, shouldn’t it be widely accepted that the ability for individuals and families to stay in their housing and neighborhood and not experience homelessness is more important than the quality of sound at Music Hall? Shouldn’t it be on the tips of the tongues of all city council members that certainly a study regarding housing loss would get at least the same deference as a study about sound affecting symphonies, ballets and operas? Please take the time to email city council at citycouncil@cincinnati-oh.gov and tell them not to vote on anything for a soccer stadium without having been able to thoroughly consider the completed housing study.

By Dr. Mark Mussman I recently attended a college reunion where a couple people used the same term to describe Cincinnati today: wholly unrecognizable. I listened to them say that Over-the-Rhine has changed so much that they couldn’t even believe it was the same place when we graduated school nearly 20 years ago, in 2001. I heard them talk about restaurants and bars that they uncritically visited while on vacation or with family. I realized then that the optics of the City had changed so much, but nothing else substantial has changed, especially when it comes to poverty, homelessness, and civil rights. Recent reports put the ethnic diversity of Cincinnati around 1950’s United States. We are mostly just Black and white, with a sprinkle of other ethnic identities. And by a sprinkle, I mean less than 5%. African American people are routinely denied healthcare, education, transportation, housing, and other basic necessities. Redlining continues to this day. Schools are more segregated now than ever, as more than half of our schools are 90% (or more) one ethnicity. Most students in public schools (82%) are economically disadvantaged. Home ownership rates among Black families (34%) are less than half of that for white families (74%). Other objective measures show that Black and white Cincinnatians live in two separate cities. Median household income comparisons show a stark reality: Black median household income at $24,272, compared to white median household income at $57,481. When applied to housing standards of affordability, it becomes clear that Black families are being priced out of their own neighborhoods. For example, a recent developer received preferred developer status on a Vine Street property in Over-the-Rhine through a City RFP process. This developer came to the Over-the-Rhine Community Council meeting in January seeking a letter of approval. Since the Community Council has prioritized affordable housing, the developer claims that 1 of 4 units will be affordable at 60% AMI. At 60% AMI, this means that most people in Cincinnati (59.99%) cannot afford this apartment. And when you take in the great disparity between Black and white resident income, this essentially removes any likelihood that a Black person or family would be able to move into this apartment. I often hear claims that crime has decreased due to investment in Over-the-Rhine and other inner core neighborhoods. But the reality is that crime may actually increase throughout the region due to instability. When people are forced from their neighborhood into other neighborhoods, there are turf issues and issues of representation. According to Census data, at least 25% of all people in Cincinnati moved within the last year, but certainly for some groups this number is higher. Cincinnati crime stats mimic national trends of decreasing incidents of violent crime; however, in 2002 Cincinnati saw 64 murders, and in 2017 there were 70. This is a slight increase, but meaningful when thinking about how things have or haven’t changed. Overall, Cincinnati is classified as having more crime than 95% of American cities. Larger looming issues, such as representation in the police force, have remained unchanged. 68.1% of sworn police officers in Cincinnati are white, while the white population in Cincinnati is less than 50%. One police officer as the LGBTQAI liason. One police officer as the Homelessness liaison. Shouldn’t all officers be trained to deal with LGBTQAI and individuals who are experiencing homelessness? Also deeply concerning is the disparate way African Americans are treated within the criminal justice system. While African Americans only represent 12.5% of Ohio’s population, they are 45% of incarcerated Ohioans. While Justice is purportedly Blind, people of color are more likely to be sentenced to death for killing a while person than killing a person of color in Ohio. A white body is seen as infinitely more valuable than a person of color. Your zip code affects your sentencing as well. And neighborhoods in Cincinnati remain so segregated, that our region is #5 in racial segregation. Economic segregation in our region is also near the top of the charts. And your zip code could add, or remove, 20 years to your life expectancy. In terms of homelessness, we know that systemic and interpersonal racism continue to decrease the housing stability of people of color. African Americans are overrepresented among those experiencing homelessness because of Slavery, Jim Crow, Redlining, Urban Renewal, Mass Incarceration, and Gentrification. Without the generational wealth that white people were handed by the federal government, people of color have no level playing field. Areas that were once deemed “white only” continue to be almost all white. Inner city neighborhoods that were economically neglected since the 1930s, where Black families were forced to live for many generations (because they were legally denied entry to other neighborhoods until the Fair Housing Act in 1968) are now being displaced by white generational wealth. Black families cannot compete with that. African American wealth is predicted to be $0 by 2050, meaning that generational wealth is still exclusively a white policy benefit. Today, the shelters are still full. We are still short 40,000 units of affordable housing in Hamilton County (35,000 in Cincinnati). While obvious visual changes may have occurred, structurally we are still the same Cincinnati. We continue to criminalize homelessness while privatizing public resources. Our education, transportation, healthcare, public services, etc., are still segregated. Some things have changed: neighborhoods such as Over-the-Rhine, Mt. Auburn, and Walnut Hills have each lost thousands of Black residents since 2001. Between 2000 and 2010 the City of Cincinnati as a whole lost more than 9,000 Black residents. Our neighbors are being forced out by white generational wealth, and we have no mechanism focused on equity. The wealth and income gap between Black and white Cincinnatians has grown, and without a determined focus on affordable housing, living wages, and housing protections, we will continue to see two separate Cincinnatis: one for Black people, and one for white people.

By Bill Woods Are you concerned that citizens are often overlooked in public decisions in Cincinnati, Columbus, and Washington, D.C.? On Saturday February 23rd, the Murray and Agnes Seasongood Good Government Foundation is holding day long forum on citizen organizing. With the title "The Power of Organizing - Finding Your Community's Voice," the forum will feature panels and discussion groups on everything from basic neighborhood organizing to building coalitions in order to pass ballot initiatives. Karen Hobart Flynn, the President of Common Cause, will be the event's keynote speaker. Flynn has a wealth of experience in organizing to bring about political reform. Before joining Common Cause's staff in Washington, D.C., she chaired Common Cause in Connecticut. She led a grassroots movement in the state that successfully brought about the public financing of election campaigns. When she first came to Washington, she was a regional director of a number of states including Ohio. As national president, she supports state chapters that are organizing to protect voting rights or to bring about redistricting reform. A number of local organizers will be sharing their expertise and experiences as members of panels and as group discussion leaders. Josh Spring, Executive Director of the Greater Cincinnati Homeless Coalition, Jennifer Summers, Director of the Peaslee Neighborhood Center, Michelle Dillingham, Director of Community Shares, Alice Schneider of Applied Information Resources, and Catherine Turcer, Director of Common Cause/Ohio are a few of the people involved in the day. Other local organizations taking part are CUFA, the Sierra Club, Bold New Democracy, One Westwood, Invest in Neighborhoods, and the Woman's City Club. After Karen Hobart Flynn's keynote address, a panel led by Liz Blume of the Seasongood Board will explore common roadblocks that often get in the way of community problem solving and organizing. Following this panel, attendees will meet in discussion groups dealing with ways to organize around diverse issues that range from neighborhood concerns to the promotion of citywide policies. A luncheon discussion will deal with the question of why citizen organizing is critical at this moment in U.S. public life, and an afternoon panel will focus on some local organizing activities that are currently underway. Next, Jeff Blevins, Chair of Journalism at the University of Cincinnati, will give a brief presentation on the role of the news media in community life and the ways grassroots movements can cultivate news coverage for their actions. Finally, a wrap up session will allow attendees to talk about, "where do we go from here?" Since promoting good government is the goal of the Seasongood Foundation, it believes that citizen involvement in public decisions is critical to achieving that end. The Seasongood Board hopes that the Forum on February 23rd will stimulate some projects for future Foundation funding. This event will take place at the Renaissance Hotel in downtown Cincinnati from 9:00 to 4:00. For further information about attending, call (513)721-2180.

By Robert Park Who ended the shutdown? The Democrats? Nancy Pelosi? Mitch McConnell? None of the above. The shutdown got shut down when workers took Laguardia Airport off-line on Friday, January 25. A rolling disaster of massive commercial disruption was about to unfold for capitalist America and that pushed the GOP over the edge. Disgusted and outraged employees – TSA security and FAA air traffic controllers – did what their unions should have done at least two weeks ago.  We don’t know what positive role IF ANY their national union leadership played here. More likely, as with all great accomplishments for workers rights, the real leadership probably came from the bottom, from the workers collectively voting with their feet. In past momentous worker actions (like getting the 8 hour day) what typically happened was some outrage finally broke the camel’s back and thousands of workers hit the streets, with their leadership frantically racing to catch-up with the members. We’ll have to watch and see if the current union leadership at the top even bothers to get out and walk quickly, let alone run; to acknowledge the profound lesson we just learned, again. What happens in three weeks? Maybe the next shutdown should be pre-empted by a strong credible threat: next time it won’t take three weeks to stop it, we’ll stop it on day two. The federal unions should sign on to a pledge:  “You want shutdown, you’ll get shutdown, motherfucker.” They could even toss out the idea of a general strike so that the rest of us can get involved in determining our future.  It’s about time the labor movement showed the Democratic Party for what it is: why didn’t THEY call for a walk-out and promise protection? This would have been a great opportunity to encourage a lot of Trump’s base to re-think their world view. The federal unions that should have immediately responded to the shutdown include: the American Federation of Government Employees (TSA, IRS, Social Security, Homeland Security, CDC..), National Treasury Employees Union, National Air Traffic Controllers Association. And of course the AFL-CIO  - the American FEDERATION of Labor – itself should have been there instead of doing nothing like they did when Reagan fired our air traffic controllers years ago (1981). This isn’t just about Trump or the GOP, or even the pathetic Dems; the labor movement needs house-cleaning, redemption  and resurrection.  They could set the agenda for America if they wanted to.

You and I must make a pact To be mindful of how we act Toward each other no matter what And not hold hatred down in our gut We must understand that everyone is unique And know that a change is what everyone seeks With time and patience, with help from up above We can conquer the hatred we feel and replace it with God's love For only with God's guidance and his so many blessings Will we understand living life together without ever guessing We'll finally know what it is to live on this planet together To love each other for who we are and not what we are for now and forever! By Willa Denise Jones